The Syntactical Status of Exceptive Phrases in Biblical Hebrew
T. Zewi
I.
This paper examines the syntactical status of exceptive phrases following negative
sentences in Biblical Hebrew. The most frequent pair of particles used for this
syntactical construction is M) yk, but one also finds yk alone, ytlb,
M) ytlb, and rarely qr and ytlwz 1. In many languages exceptive phrases after
negative sentences are usually considered restrictive appositions to the sentence part
from which they are excepted. Being appositions to a previous sentence part, exceptive
phrases should consequently gain a syntactical status equal to that of the sentence part
to which they stand as appositions. If an exceptive phrase is an apposition to a subject
it is a subject, if it is an apposition to an object it is an object, if it is an
apposition to an adverb it is an adverb, etc. The following are instances of exceptive
phrases in Biblical Hebrew standing in syntactical apposition to various types of
syntactical roles:
Subject
Nwn-Nb (#$whyw hnpy-Nb blk-M) yk #$y) Mhm rtwn-)lw
Not one of them survived, except Caleb son of Jephunneh and
Joshua son of Nun (Num 26,65) 2
Direct object:
wdbl l)r#&y Klm-t)-M) yk lwdg-t)w N+q-t) wmxlt )l
Don"t attack anyone, small or great, except the king of Israel (1 Kgs 22,31)
Indirect object:
Kl) ytdlwm-l)w ycr)-l)-M) yk Kl) )l wyl) rm)y
"I will not go," he replied to him, "but will return to my native
land" (Num 10,30
Adverbial phrase:
l)r#&yb-M) yk Cr)h-lkb Myhl) Ny) yk yt(dy )n-hnh rm)yw
He exclaimed, "Now I know that there is no God in the whole world except in
Israel" (2 Kgs 5,15)
Another instance of adverbial phrase is not cited from the Bible but from a Biblical
inscription, namely, letter number 4 from Lachish: w(bdk. )yn[ ] y[ ] s]lh[ s]mh )th (w[] ky )m. btsbt. hbqr. =
rqbh tbstb M) yk [Myh d]w( ht) hm#$ xl#$ y[n] ny) Kdb(w
"I do not send there your servant today but at dawn" 3
II.
The syntactical status of exceptive
phrases is commonly considered similar to that of the sentence parts from which they are
excepted. This view is parallel to a common understanding of another syntactical situation
in which sentence parts take a position outside the sentence to which they originally
belong, and actually stand as appositions to a new member of the original sentence
fulfilling their role. In fact, these words refer to the well known structure of
extraposition. In extrapositions a sentence part is usually put in frontal position, less
frequently in final position, and it is replaced by a retrospective pronoun fulfilling its
role in the main sentence.
A situation in which two sentence parts
play the same syntactical role is usually regarded as apposition. The extraposed sentence
part might be regarded as a special kind of apposition and in many syntactical studies its
syntactical role is defined as similar to that of its retrospective pronoun 4. The following are
instances of extrapositions in which extraposed sentence parts play various syntactical
roles in a manner similar to that of exceptive phrases 5:
Subject:
)wh Kynpl Myrcm Cr)
The land of Egypt is open before you (Gen 47,6)
Direct object:
ht) Mylk) Myrz Mkdgnl Mktmd
Before your eyes, the yield of your soil is consumed by strangers (Isa 1,7)
Indirect object:
K(rzlw hnnt) Kl hyl( bk#$ ht) r#$) Cr)h
The ground on which you are lying I will assign to you and to your offspring (Gen
28,13)
Adverbial phrase:
M#$ wm#$ Nk#$l wb Mkyhl) hwhy rxby-r#$) Mwqmh hyhw
Mkt) hwcm ykn) r#$)-lk t) w)ybt hm#$
Then you must bring everything that I command you to the site where the Lord your God
will choose to establish his name (Deut 12,11)
Attribute:
Mktbib w#$pn hq#$x ynb Mk#$
My son Shechem longs for your daughter (Gen 34,8) 6
The comparison between exceptive
phrases on the one hand and extrapositions on the other is important for the thesis
suggested in this paper, since in both syntactical constructions the syntactical status of
the outside phrases, either exceptive or extraposed sentence parts, is considered similar
to that of an inner sentence part to which they are appositions. This point of view
regarding the syntactical status of the outside members is common to both constructions.
However, a true consideration of exceptive phrases shows that in terms of logical
understanding of their role they actually are opposites. Exceptive phrases after negative
sentences truly present the new information exhibited by the speaker or writer, that is,
the logical predicate or the comment of the sentence, while the extraposed parts of
extrapositions give special status to the known information of the sentence, that is, the
logical subject or the topic, to which the speaker or writer wants to add more 7. Following this line of
thought, exceptive phrases and extrapositions should be syntactically considered
complementary structures rather than parallel ones.
Such a view also arises from many
syntactical treatments of extraposition that regard extrapositional phrases in
extrapositions as topics, and even use the term subject 8. By contrast, such syntactical definitions are
usually not made regarding exceptive phrases, which are generally referred to as
appositions and are not treated in terms of functional grammar. My suggestion is to
consider exceptive phrases by the same means that consider extrapositions, namely those of
functional grammar, and to see them as comments of the sentence to which they belong 9.
III.
Classical Arabic grammatical rules
regarding exceptive phrases contribute more to the understanding of these constructions as
comments. Classical Arabic employs case markings of syntactical positions for most
sentence members. Extrapositional phrases, for instance, take nominative case marking,
thus revealing, the inside view of Arabic grammar regarding their syntactical status, that
is, topic, or in terms of Arabic grammar mubtada ), of the whole sentence 10.
With exceptive phrases the situation is
more complex. In Classical Arabic, unlike Biblical Hebrew, there exist not only negative
sentences that include exceptive phrases but affirmative as well 11. Exceptive phrases behave differently
grammatically in affirmative sentences and in negative sentences. In affirmative sentences
the case marking is usually accusative 12.
In negative sentences, the construction most similar to the Biblical Hebrew one examined
here, the regular case marking might also be an accusative, but more frequently it changes
according to the status of the sentence member to which the exceptive phrase stands in
apposition, or badal in Arabic 13.
These two options actually reflect the
dual nature of the syntactical status of exceptive phrases. On the one hand, the case
marking of exceptive phrases in affirmative sentences is normally accusative, reflecting a
special syntactical status different from the status of the sentence member to which they
stand in apposition. On the other hand, the case marking revealed in negative sentences,
which is similar to that of the sentence members to which exceptive phrases stand in
apposition, clearly reflects the fact that these phrases are appositions.
Moreover, the accusative case marking
of exceptive phrases in affirmative sentences reminds one of the accusative case marking
of the Arabic xabar ka4na. This Arabic term
refers to the predicate of sentences employing the Arabic verb "to be" as a
copula 14. The
predicate that follows this copula is not in the nominative case as expected from
predicates, but in the accusative. Still, the syntactical role of this sentence member is
undoubtedly that of a predicate, and in terms of functional grammar it is that of a
comment. The accusative case of the predicates of ka4na
and a few other similar words might be considered parallel to the accusative case of
exceptive phrases in affirmative sentences in that in both structures it indicates the
comment of a sentence. In this way, Arabic grammatical rules reflect the true nature of
exceptive phrases, and they support the thesis suggested here that exceptive phrases are
appositions that add new information to their sentence, thus being its comment.
It is interesting to note here the view
of the Arab grammarian Si!bawayhi regarding the role of
xabar ka4na in
constructions in which ka4na is a copula. According to Levin, Si!bawayhi finds many similarities between the role of xabar
ka4na and a direct object after a transitive verb. Considering this view, and
the fact that a predicate cannot also be an object, one should not understand the term xabar when employed after ka4na in Si!bawayhi"s writings as a regular
verbal predicate. Si!bawayhi
himself regards this xabar as parallel to several
other structures, including a second object of verbs of )af(a!l al-qulu!b, which take two objects related to each other as subject and predicate and to a
subject and predicate of a nominal sentence 15.
The two objects of )af(a!l al-qulu!b and
subject and predicate of a nominal sentence actually are in functional grammar terms topic
and comment 16. Thus,
this view suits the thesis suggested here, that the accusative member following )illa! in affirmative sentences is
parallel to xabar ka4na not only in using the
accusative but in being similar to a second object of )af(a!l al-qulu!b or to a predicate of a nominal sentence. In functional grammar terms this
accusative member is a comment.
IV.
Finally, one more structure is relevant
to this discussion. Another structure that makes the comment of a sentence syntactically
prominent is a cleft sentence 17.
In this type the comment actually takes a position of a predicate in a nominal sentence by
putting the verbal predicate in a subordinate clause. The clause itself takes the position
of the subject. Therefore, contrary to exceptive phrases or to extrapositional phrases,
which might be considered appositions or comments for the former and topics for the
latter, cleft sentences are transparent constructions in terms of functional grammar,
eliminating doubts about the role of their components.
Nevertheless, cleft sentences are
mentioned here for the sake of presenting a more complete picture of syntactical
structures reflecting the functional structure of a sentence in terms of topic and
comment. In this picture, on the one hand stand extrapositions, in which the topic is
isolated, and on the other stand both exceptive sentences and cleft sentences, in which
the comment is isolated.
Summary
Exceptive phrases are usually considered appositions to the sentence parts from which
they are excepted. This paper considers the syntactical status of exceptive phrases from a
functional point of view. It indicates the similarities between exceptive phrases,
extrapositions and cleft sentences. It compares the Biblical construction of exceptive
phrases to that of Classical Arabic, and learns important facts from the syntactical
status of the parallel Arabic construction as reflected in the Arabic case system.
Considering all the evidence, the paper asserts that exceptive phrases after negative
sentences actually present the new information exhibited by the speaker or writer, that
is, the logical predicate or the comment of the sentence.
Notes:
1 E. KAUTZSCH,
(ed.) Gesenius" Hebrew Grammar (Oxford 1910) 500-501, §163; P. JOÜON, Grammaire
de l"hébreu biblique (Rome 21947) 526-527, §173; M. O"CONNOR B. K.
WALTKE, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (Winona Lake 1990) 671,
§39.3.5d; and see also T. ZEWI, Syntactical Modifications Reflecting the Functional
Structure of the Sentence in Biblical Hebrew (Doctoral Thesis; The Hebrew University
of Jerusalem 1992) (in Hebrew) 250-254, §4.7.3. In later stages of Hebrew )l) replaces these particles. On the use of )l) in Mishnaic Hebrew see M. H. SEGAL, A Grammar of Mishnaic
Hebrew (Oxford 1927) 237-239, §504-§510; A. BENDAVID, Biblical Hebrew and
Mishnaic Hebrew (Tel-Aviv 21971) (in Hebrew) II, 765-766; M. AZAR, The Syntax of
Mishnaic Hebrew (Jerusalem 1995) (in Hebrew) 278-280, §8.7.1; M. PÉREZ FERNÁNDEZ, An
Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew (Leiden 1997) 247-251. On the use of )l) in Modern Hebrew see A. ZILKHA, Negation in Hebrew
(Doctoral Thesis; The University of Texas, Austin 1970) 100-104, §5.2-4; M. DASCAL,
T. KATRIEL, "Between Semantics and Pragmatics: The Two Types of But
Hebrew Aval and Ela", Theoretical Linguistics 4 (1977) 143-172, and M. AZAR,
")AVAL, )ELA
and )ELA E: in Modern Hebrew", Le+s]one8nu 44 (1981) (in Hebrew) 133-148.
2 English Bible translations
are according to the JPSV 1985.
3 N. H. TUR-SINAI, The
Lachish Ostraca (Jerusalem 1987) (in Hebrew) 106, Sh. AHITUV, Handbook of Ancient
Hebrew Inscriptions (Jerusalem 1992) 42-43.
4 Note Jespersen"s words:
"Closely related to apposition... is extraposition" (O. Jespersen, Analytic
Syntax (Copenhagen 1937) 35, §12.1). Generative studies were generally interested in
the role of the extrapositional phrase in the "original sentence" as part of
their attempt to define transformational rules for extraposition (many references of
generative grammars treating extraposition in Semitic languages are mentioned in J. Khan, Studies
in Semitic Syntax (Oxford 1988) xxxi-xxxii).
5 More instances see in e.g. S.
R. DRIVER, A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew and Some Other Syntactical
Questions (Oxford 31892) 264-274, §196-§201, and KHAN, Studies, 71-77.
6 This is a common type of
extraposition in Biblical Hebrew. However, exceptive phrases expressing an attribute were
not found.
7 Jespersen asserts that
originally exceptive phrases in English are objects of the exceptive particles, which are
actually prepositions, but they are frequently understood by speakers as subjects. This
can be seen by the use of "I" instead of "me" after exceptive phrases
(O. JESPERSEN, Essentials of English Grammar (Tuscaloosa London 1964) 134,
§14.2.3). In using the term "subject" here Jespersen probably means grammatical
subject, since in all his instances the exceptive phrase is excepted from a grammatical
subject. Elsewhere Jespersen also asserts that "in most cases the relative pronoun
represented by but is the subject of the clause" (O. JESPERSEN, "Negation
in English and Other Languages", Historisk-filologiske Meddeleser 1/5 (1917).
= O. JESPERSEN, Selected Writings of Otto Jespersen (London Tokyo 1962)
128). This assertion also refers to grammatical subjects.
8 See discussion and more
references in G. GOLDENBERG, "Tautological Infinitive", IOS 1 (1971) 37 =
G. GOLDENBERG, Studies in Semitic Linguistics (Jerusalem 1998) 67. Regarding
Biblical Hebrew see e.g. KAUTZSCH, Gesenius" Hebrew Grammar, 450, §140d,
457-458, §143 and S. R. DRIVER, A Treatise, 264-274, §196-§201. This is the
ordinary custom in Arabic grammatical tradition (e.g. W. WRIGHT, A Grammar of the
Arabic Language (Cambridge 31898), II, 255-256, §119, §120).
9 The interpretation of
exceptive clauses as comments also arises from the comparison made by BENDAVID, Biblical
Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew, II, 742, between a nominal clause following a question in
Biblical Hebrew and a clause containing an exceptive phrase following a question in
Mishnaic Hebrew. Bendavid considers a Biblical sentence like
Mkt)rql hl( r#$) #$y)h +p%#$m hm Mhl) rbdyw
hl)h Myrbdh-t) Mkyl) rbdyw
wyntmb rwz) rw( rwz)w r(#& l(b #$y) wyl) wrm)yw
)wh yb#$th hyl) rm)yw
"What sort of man was it," he asked them, "who came toward you and said
these things to you?" "A hairy man," they replied, "with a leather
belt tied around his waist." "That"s Elijah the Tishbite!" he
said" (2 Kgs 1,7.8) parallel to a Mishnaic sentence like
yym#$ br yb ydymltm )l) wny) (Mbk (gp) ym
(Who met you?) He is none but one of the disciples of the house of PN (Kil 1:4). Both yb#$th hyl) and yym#$ br yb ydymltm
are the comments in both answers to previous questions. yb#$th hyl)
is the predicate of a nominal sentence and yym#$ br yb ydymltm
is an exceptive phrase. Another parallelism in syntactical status, in this case in
English, and between two comments in a cleft sentence and an exceptive clause, is found in
H. JAMES, The Portrait of a Lady by (London 1881, repr. 1983) 114: "It will
not be as a friend of mine that he"ll come; and it will not be to
prove to me that I"m wrong that you"ll ask him but to prove it to
yourself!" (the comments and the exceptive clause are the parts typed bold
T.Z.).
10 See e.g. WRIGHT, A
Grammar, II, 255-256, §119, §120. For more on the terms mubtada) and xabar in Arabic grammatical tradition, see in G.
GOLDENBERG, "Subject and Predicate in Arab Grammatical Tradition", ZDMG
138 (1988) 39-73 = G. GOLDENBERG, Studies in Semitic Linguistics (Jerusalem 1998)
215-249. According to Khan, nominative case for extrapositional phrases is generally found
in all Semitic languages which have case inflection (KHAN, Studies, xxvi).
11 The affirmative
constructions probably evolved from the negative ones as suggested for English
"but" by Jespersen, "Negation", 136-137.
12 WRIGHT, A Grammar,
II, 336, §186a; H. RECKENDORF, Arabische Syntax (Heidelberg 1921) 503, §262a; C.
BROCKELMANN, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen
(Berlin 1913), II, 649, §435.
13 WRIGHT, A Grammar,
II, 336-337, §186b; RECKENDORF, Arabische Syntax, 503, §262b; BROCKELMANN, Grundriss
der vergleichenden Grammatik, II, 649, §435. This is also true for interrogative
sentences implying a negation. For negative Classical Arabic instances in which accusative
and nominative cases interchange, see BROCKELMANN, Grundriss der vergleichenden
Grammatik, II, 649-650, §435; E. BECK, "Die Ausnahmepartikel )illa! bei al-Farra! und Si!bawaih", Orientalia 25 (1956) 58, 66. For the
usage of the term badal by the Arab grammarian Si!bawayhi,
see ibid., 66.
14 The Arabic verb "to
be" functioning as a copula is called in Arabic ka!na al-na!qis[a. On the syntactical status and the accusative case
of the predicate of ka!na al-na!qis[a,
that is, xabar ka!na, see e.g. WRIGHT, A
Grammar, II, 99, §41; A. LEVIN, "Si!bawayhi"s
View of the Syntactical Structure of ka!na wa)axawa!tuha! ",
JSAI 1 (1979) 185.
15 LEVIN, "Si!bawayhi"s View", 186-209.
16 See e.g. ZEWI, Syntactical
Modifications, 123-124, note 78, and more references there.
17 On the term "cleft
sentence" see JESPERSEN, Analytic Syntax, 73-74. Jespersen was the first to
use this term. See also H. J. POLOTSKY, "Nominalsatz und Cleft Sentence im
Koptischen", Or 31 (1962) 413, note 1 = H. J. POLOTSKY, Collected Papers
(Jerusalem 1971) 418; GOLDENBERG, "Tautological Infinitive", 50, notes 29, 30 =
GOLDENBERG, Studies in Semitic, 80, and G. GOLDENBERG,
"Imperfectly-Transformed Cleft Sentences", Proceedings of the Sixth World
Congress of Jewish Studies 1973 I (Jerusalem 1977) 127-128 = G. GOLDENBERG, Studies
in Semitic Linguistics (Jerusalem 1998) 116-117.
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