Daniel 7,2-14: Another Look at its Mythic Pattern
Anne E. Gardner
The tale of Dan 7,2-14 is a strange one: in a night vision
Daniel sees four terrifying beasts arise from the sea. The beasts are then
described. Thrones are set and an Ancient of Days takes his place, the books are
opened and the judgement begins. The fourth beast is killed and his body burnt
with fire, while the rest are allowed to live for a time although their dominion
is taken away. Then 'One like a Son of Man' comes 'with the clouds of
heaven' and is given everlasting dominion and all peoples are to serve him.
This paper aims to explore the antecedents of the mythic pattern of the vision.
Scholars have long recognised that Dan 7,2-14 has a
mythological background1. Gunkel, in 1895, posited that this was the Babylonian Enuma Elish2. More recent scholarship, following the lead of Bentzen3, prefers a Canaanite background4, although an Akkadian source has also been suggested5, amongst others6.
1. Cannaanite texts
Canaanite mythological texts, hitherto discovered, while they
do allude to Baal's overcoming of Yam (sea), Nahar (river) and Mot (death or
sterility) do not parallel the outline of Dan 7,2-14. In the Ugaritic myth of
Baal and Yam7 the sequence of events has a different order, as Ferch8 pointed out a number of years ago. J.J. Collins who continues to support the Baal and Yam myth as the background to Dan 7,2-14 warned against an argument advanced by
Ferch that the overall theme of the myth must be similar for a dependence to be adduced9. Further, he pointed out that each culture adapted earlier myths to
fit their own understanding of their situation, a point with which the present
writer concurs. Nevertheless in the present case, not only is the main theme of
the Baal myth one of rivalry, provoked by jealousy between two gods, there are
few details in the myth which find a reflection in Dan 7,2-14: there is no
mention of the winds of heaven bringing about the ensuing situation10 nor of beasts of any kind emerging from, or being part of, the sea. Neither is there
mention of such beasts being allowed to survive although their dominion is taken
away, nor is Yam, Baal's adversary killed by fire. The only points of
similarity with Dan 7,2-14 are (1) the presence of a sea and (2) the similarity
of the descriptions of Baal and 'One like a Son of Man': Baal is called, 'Rider
on the Clouds'11 whilst 'One like a Son of Man came with the clouds of
heaven'; Baal is urged: Take your everlasting kingdom, your dominion for ever
and ever'12 and 'One like a Son of Man' 'was given ... an everlasting
dominion, which shall not pass away and his kingdom will not be destroyed'.
These obvious similarities between Baal and 'One like a Son of Man' in
Daniel were pointed out by Emerton in 195813 as was (3) the third similarity between the Baal myth and Dan 7 with the former describing El as 'Father of
Years' and the latter, God as 'Ancient of Days'. However, as these are the
only real points of contact between the two texts, they are not sufficient in
themselves to support the contention that Dan 7,2-14 derived its mythic pattern
from Canaan. Further consideration will be given below to the figure of One like
a Son of Man and an Ancient of Days in an attempt to account for the apparent
similarity of their descriptions with Canaanite deities14.
2. The Problem of Access to the Baal texts
Those scholars who assert that Canaanite mythology is the
mythic background for Dan 7,2-14 have difficulty in explaining how such
mythology was transmitted to our author. Bentzen15 posited that he accessed it through the royal cult. Such a position is dependent, in turn, upon the
acceptance of Mowinckel's theory that there was an Israelite New Year
Festival, which celebrated YHWH's victory over a chaos monster 16. This theory is grounded
upon various biblical passages which mention YHWH killing such a
monster, including some psalms whose Sitz im Leben is likely to have been
the Temple: Rahab in Ps 89,10 and Isa 51,9; Leviathan in Ps 74,14 and Isa 27,1;
the sea monster(s) (tannîn) in Isa 51,9, Ps 74,13 and a probable
allusion in Jer 51,3417. The hypothetical nature of the Enthronement Festival aside, how would the author of Dan 7,2-14, writing in the second century B.C.,
have had access to it? It was posited by Mowinckel that it was part of the royal
cult but Kingship (to all intents and purposes), and thus the royal cult, ended
with the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple in 587-586 B.C. Possible
remnants in the Psalms and Prophets of such a festival are too fragmentary to
have furnished the mythic pattern of Daniel's vision18. Collins has suggested that Daniel may have had access to some second century B.C. version of the
myth19 but the weakness of this position has been highlighted by Mosca, both from the point of view of the unlikelihood of direct borrowing from Canaan and
from a lack of direct evidence as to the second century format of a Baal myth20.
Mosca has suggested that the Canaanite material was mediated to the author of
Dan 7 via Ps 8921. That Ps 89 contains imagery which derives from Canaanite mythology is clear22, and although the present writer agrees with Mosca that Ps 89 has been undervalued as a source for Daniel's vision23 nevertheless the similarities between the two texts are not sufficiently great for Ps 89 to have been the prototype for the mythic pattern of the entire Danielic vision: The
four winds do not feature, only one beast appears and it is not killed by fire;
there is no judgement scene (although 'throne' and 'judgement' are both
mentioned). Mosca himself recognises aspects of dissimilarity between the two
texts and attributes these to their varying purposes and timeframes 24.
3. Mesopotamian Texts
A search of Mesopotamia texts proved more fruitful in the
search for a forerunner to the mythic pattern of Dan 7,2-1425. It is my
contention that Gunkel's thesis in 1895 of a correspondence between the Enuma
Elish and Daniel has been undervalued. This is likely to have happened for two
reasons: firstly Gunkel's treatment does not refer in a sufficiently precise
way to all the similarities and secondly, the discoveries at Ugarit drew
scholarly attention away from the Enuma Elish26.
In the following table the correspondences between Dan 7,2-14
and the Enuma Elish are delineated.
|
Daniel 7
|
Enuma Elish |
|
The four winds of heaven27 caused28 the
great sea29 to break forth (Dan 7,2).
|
...Anu formed and produced four winds...
He caused a wave and it roiled Tiamat (Ee I
105,108 30). |
|
Four great beasts arise from the sea which had been
disturbed; the first three are characterised in terms of known creatures
(Dan 7,3-6).
|
Eleven31 monsters, who are described in terms of known
animals, real or mythological, result from Tiamat having been disturbed
(Ee I 134-144; also II 20-30; III 24-34,82-92). |
|
|
The fourth beast is terrible and powerful etc. It
was different from all beasts that were before it (Dan 7,7).
N.B. Unlike the previous creatures the fourth beast is
not likened to any known animal.
|
Qingu32 was to lead the army of monsters; he was made
greater than all the other gods of chaos (Ee I 148; also II 34; III
38,96).
N.B Qingu is not described in physical terms.
|
|
A little horn comes up, before which three of the first
horns are plucked up by the roots. In the horn were eyes like the eyes of
a man and a mouth speaking great things (Dan 7,8).
|
|
|
Thrones were placed.
And one that was [Ancient of Days] sat.
The Ancient of Days and his throne are described (Dan
7,9bc.10a).
A stream of fire issued and came forth from before
him,
A thousand thousands served him
And ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him;
The judgement was set and the books were opened.
(Dan 7,9-10)
|
All the great gods, ordainers (of destinies) came
before Anshar... (Ee III 130-131).
To Marduk, their champion they ordained destiny. They
set out for him a princely dais (Ee III 138–IV 1).
Then follows a eulogy of Marduk and eternal kingship is
conferred on him.
With raging fire he covered his body (Ee III 130–IV
40).
|
|
...The beast was slain and his body destroyed and he
was given to the burning of fire (Dan 7,11).
|
Qingu was killed. His blood was shed and mankind was
made from it (Ee VI 13-32). However in texts recovered from the Babylonian
New Year's Festival Marduk burnt Qingu33. |
|
And as for the rest of the beasts, their dominion was
taken away: yet their lives were prolonged for a season and a time
(Dan 7,12).
|
The rest of the monsters were taken captive (Qingu was
at first among them) (Ee IV 115-120,127). |
|
...There came with the clouds of heaven one like unto
a son of man
And he came even to the Ancient of Days and they
caused him to approach before him (Dan 7,13).
|
Marduk is urged: Draw near, approach Anshar (Ee
II 134).
He drew near and waited upon Anshar (Ee II 137).
|
|
|
|
And to him was given dominion and glory and
sovereignty
That all peoples, nations and languages should serve
him.
|
Marduk is given dominion over the gods and over mankind
(Ee VI 93-107; cf. also IV 14).
They established him forever for Lordship of heaven and
earth (Ee VI 100).
|
|
His dominion is an everlasting dominion which will
not pass away
And his sovereignty will not be destroyed. (Dan
7,14)
|
Henceforth your command can not be changed (Ee IV
7).
|
Several aspects of the correspondence strongly suggest that
the author of Daniel was aware of the Enuma Elish:
(1) in both there is a connection between the four winds of
heaven and the stirring up of the sea or waves;
(2) a number of monstrous animals result from the sea or
Tiamat having been disturbed;
(3) Qingu, like the fourth beast in Daniel, is not
characterised by the name of a known creature, whereas the earlier ones are in
both the Enuma Elish and Daniel;
(4) the survival of all the beasts, bar one, occurs in both
Daniel and the Enuma Elish;
(5) in both texts the last beast of chaos is the most
terrible;
(6) the last beast is killed by fire in Daniel and such a
tradition was present in the Babylonian New Year Festival;
(7) everlasting dominion is given to One like a Son of Man in
Daniel and to Marduk in the Enuma Elish.
In addition there are some correspondences in vocabulary
between Daniel and the Enuma Elish, although, with the exception of the word for
'four' (a common semitic word) these are not on an etymological level 34. In
key places where similar statements are made in the Enuma Elish and Dan 7 the
Akkadian does not have an Aramaic correspondent deriving from the same root.
Rather, the author of Daniel has had to use an Aramaic word with the same
meaning but deriving from a different root. Correspondences that were discovered
are as follows:
(1) 'the four winds' (Dan 7,2 cf. Ee I 105,108);
(2) the causative form of the respective verbs is used for
the disturbance of the sea (Dan 7,2; cf. Ee I 105,108);
(3) 'fire' issues from both the Ancient of Days and
Marduk (Dan 7,10 cf. Ee IV 40);
(4) 'He came to the Ancient of Days and they caused him to
approach before him' (Dan 7,13); cf. 'Draw near, approach Anshar' (Ee II
134) and 'He drew near and waited upon Anshar' (Ee II 137).
The sparse nature of the linguistic correspondences, but the
strong thematic similarities, suggest that the author of Daniel was aware of the
Enuma Elish and was drawing upon his memory rather than upon a written text when
he wrote his vision.
4. Transmuted elements and aspects of discontinuity between the Enuma Elish and Daniel
What becomes clear in this comparison between Dan 7,2-14 and
the Enuma Elish is that the polytheistic aspects of the latter have been
transmuted. Tiamat has become the great sea; the monsters of chaos are no longer
gods but human powers; the gods who determine the destinies are, in Daniel, the
thousand thousands who served him and the ten thousand times ten thousand who
stood before him; the Ancient of Days embodies aspects of Anshar, Anu and Marduk
in that Anshar and Anu, whose names are virtually interchangeable in the epic,
represent the great high god whose position is then given to Marduk because of
his ability to overcome the monsters of chaos. It is said of the Ancient of Days
that he sat when thrones were placed; Marduk does likewise in Ee VI 93-94.
Further as 'a stream of fire issued and came forth from before him [the
Ancient of Days]'(Dan 7,9) so Marduk covered his body with fire (Ee IV 40).
There is another reference in the Epic to Marduk's fiery aspect: 'When he
moved his lips a fire broke out' (Ee I 96). Nevertheless some of Marduk's
aspects are similar to those belonging to 'One like a Son of Man' in Daniel
as a comparison of Dan 7,14 and Ee IV 7,14 shows. In Dan 7,10 we learn that 'the
books were opened' whereas in Ee IV 33 the gods 'ordained the Lord's (i.e.
Marduk's) destiny'.
The main lack of correspondence between the cited passages of
the Enuma Elish and Daniel is that Marduk is summoned to the divine court and
enthroned prior to judgement being passed upon Qingu and his fellow
monsters whereas 'One like a Son of Man' enters the tale only after
the punishment of the four beasts. It may be, though, that his prior appearence
is implied in Dan 7,9 which says, 'thrones [in the plural] were placed'.
Aware of the theological problems raised by such a translation, some scholars
have posited that wymr be read as 'were cast
down'35. If such a translation is correct then it would indicate that the
thrones of the beasts 'were cast down'. In terms of logic this does not
accord with the chronological unfolding of the text of Dan 7 for 'the
judgement was set and the books were opened' at the end of verse 10 after
the Divine court had been convened, not before it. Further, after the killing
and burning of the fourth beast in verse 11 it is stated in verse 12, concerning
the rest of the beasts, that 'they had their dominion taken away'. This
would have been an unnecessary statement to make if it had already been said in
verse 9.
5. Dan 7,2-14 and Canaanite Mythology Revisited
It was pointed out earlier that a close similarity has been
claimed for the Danielic One like a Son of Man and Baal in the Ugaritic myth
because both have been given dominion and they are each connected in some way to
the clouds. However Marduk also was given dominion and it should be noted that
in Ee II [118] Marduk is urged: 'Make straight, quickly, with the storm
chariot'. The word 'chariot' is uncertain but 'storm' is not.
Interestingly Anu is described elsewhere as 'Rider of great storms'36.
Riding on storms' implies 'storm clouds'. The 'cloud' imagery then
appears in both Canaanite and Babylonian mythology.
It has been argued that in the Bible no figure other than
YHWH rode on the clouds (Deut 33,26; 2 Sam 22,11; Isa 19,1; Ps 68,34) and thus
the imagery for One like a Son of Man doing the same thing must be derived from
a Canaanite source which accepts more than one divinity37. It should be noted however that Daniel does not say that One like a Son of Man rode upon the
clouds rather that he came with the clouds of heaven. In other
words the clouds of heaven, like the winds of heaven at the beginning of the
vision, are under the command of God. Just as he caused the beasts of chaos to
appear, so he can bring near One like a Son of Man through the agency of his
clouds. The apparent similarity of the descriptions of Baal and One like a Son
of Man is not as close then as has been suggested. As far as the Ancient of Days
is concerned, it has long been posited by scholars that descriptions of God as
old in the Bible38 are just as, if not more, likely to lie behind the title than a direct borrowing from El's epithet, 'Father of Years'. In this case, the
author of Daniel has drawn on Biblical passages that may themselves have been
influenced by Canaanite ideas.
At first it occurred to the present author to wonder whether
a hitherto undiscovered Canaanite text existed that paralleled the Enuma Elish,
and to which the author of Daniel had access. It is possible that such a text
existed particularly in view of the Biblical references to mythological
creatures with Canaanite names. There is no evidence to suggest though that
Daniel would have had access to such a myth. Further, the phrase 'the four
winds of heaven' only appears in post-biblical texts i.e. those that had the
possibility of having been influenced by contact with Babylonian literature from
the time of the Exile onwards.
6. The transmission of the Enuma Elish
Naturally the question of how the author would have had
access to the Enuma Elish poses itself. In recent years the provenance of the
court tales in Daniel has received much attention, with general agreement that
they originated and circulated in the Diaspora, probably Babylonia39. It is not unreasonable to suppose, therefore, that Dan 7 also originated in Babylonia or
was written in Israel by a Babylonian Jew. Dan 1,4 posits that youths like
Daniel were taught the learning and tongue of the Chaldeans, although admittedly
it refers to a period earlier than the likely time of writing of the vision of
Dan 7. Learning would have included acquiring knowledge of the great Babylonian
traditions, of which the Enuma Elish was one. It is known that the New Year's
Festival, where the Enuma Elish was recited, continued until the third century
or later i.e. into the Hellenistic period40. Many scholars have objected that Daniel was a pious Jew and it is therefore unthinkable that he would have drawn
material from a foreign cult. I am in agreement with this insight which appears
to contradict my claim that the mythic pattern of Daniel's vision is similar
to that of the Enuma Elish. How can both be right? I would like to suggest the
following hypothesis: an educated Jew who lived in Babylon for any length of
time would undoubtedly have become familiar with the outline of the Enuma Elish.
Aware of allusions in Biblical passages to YHWH killing chaos monsters (but
passages which are too brief to have been the prototype for Daniel's vision),
it might have been supposed that a full version of the Biblical chaos tradition
would have been similar in outline to the Enuma Elish, albeit without its
polytheistic elements. In this way the author of Daniel could have constructed
his vision, utilising imagery from the Bible41, some of which ultimately derived from Canaan, within the framework of a mythic pattern from Babylon: a mythic
pattern, describing the overcoming of the forces of chaos and the ensuing
kingship of the champion of the gods, transformed to accord with the religious
beliefs and political history of Israel from the time of the Exile onwards.
SUMMARY
This paper focuses upon a re-examination of the mythological
background to the apocalyptic vision of Daniel 7. The popularly accepted
Canaanite source is rejected as the points of correspondence are shown to be
even slighter than recognised hitherto. Gunkel's thesis of the Enuma Elish as
similar to Dan 7 is revived and given further support. It is pointed out that
whereas the question of access, for the author of Daniel, to the Baal mythology
is problematic, the Enuma Elish was still being recited in the Hellenistic
period.
NOTES
1 One dissenting voice is M. Casey who posits that
mythological references were unintentional on Daniel's part, rather they were
simply a feature of the Biblical passages upon which he drew; cf. M. CASEY, Son
of Man. The Interpretation and Influence of Daniel 7 (London 1979)
18.
2 H. GUNKEL, Schöpfung and Chaos in Urzeit und Endseit. Eine
religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung über Gen 1 und Ap Joh 12 (Göttingen 1895)
esp. 323-335.
3 A. BENTZEN, King and Messiah (London 1955) 74-75.
4 J.J. Collins, amongst others, is an ardent supporter of a Canaanite mythological background for Dan 7,2-14; cf. J.J. COLLINS, The
Apocalyptic Vision of the Book of Daniel (HSM 16; Missoula 1977) 96-106,
esp. 105-106; IDEM, Daniel. A Commentary on the Book of Daniel
(Hermeneia; Minneapolis 1993) 286-294; IDEM, "Stirring up the Great Sea The
Religio-Historical Background of Daniel 7", The Book of Daniel in the
Light of New Findings (ed. A.S. VAN DER WOUDE) (BETL 106; Leuven 1993)
121-136.
5 The Vision of the Netherworld, an Akkadian dream vision,
dated about the seventh century B.C., has been suggested as the prototype for
Dan 7,2-14 by H.S. KVANVIG, "An Akkadian Vision as Background for
Daniel 7", StTh 35 [1981] 85-89; IDEM, Roots of Apocalyptic. The
Mesopotamian Background of the Enoch Figure and the Son of Man (WMANT 61;
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1988) 345-555.
6 Other suggestions relate to the origin of the Son of Man imagery. For a summary and critique thereof cf. J.J. COLLINS, Daniel,
282-283.
7 The translation used in this essay follows J.C.L. GIBSON, Canaanite Myths and Legends (Edinburgh 1977) 37-45; for the sake of convenience
references to KTU have been added.
8 A.J. FERCH, "Daniel 7 and Ugarit: A
Reconsideration", JBL 99 (1980) 75-86.
9 J.J. COLLINS, "Apocalyptic Genre and Mythic Allusions
in Daniel", JSOT 21 (1981) 83-100, esp. 91-93.
10 In the Canaanite myth the sea (Yam) is in rebellion against El whereas in Daniel the four winds of heaven (God) cause the sea to
bring forth the beasts. The sea then is an instrument of God not an opposing
force.
11 GIBSON, Canaanite Myths, 43-44 [= KTU 1.2 IV:8,29].
12 Ibid., 43 [= KTU 1.2 IV:10].
13 J.A. EMERTON, "The Origin of the Son of Man
Imagery", JTS 9 (1958) 225-242.
14 The other text from Ugarit which concerns Baal in conflict with an adversary is that of Baal and Mot. However Mot overcomes Baal and it was
the goddess Anat who killed Mot in order to free Baal. This text has no points
of contact with Dan 7,2-14; see GIBSON, Canaanite Myths, 68-81 [= KTU
1.6]. P.G. MOSCA, "Ugarit and Daniel 7: A Missing Link", Bib 67
(1986) 496-512, draws attention to a scholarly dispute as to whether the two
Baal texts form a unity or are separate; cf. esp. 502-508. For the present paper
there is no need to enter the debate.
15 A. BENTZEN, Daniel (HAT 1; Tubingen 21952) 64.
16 S. MOWINCKEL, Psalmenstudien. II. Das Thronbesteigungsfest Jahwäs und der Ursprung der Eshatologie (Kristiania
1922).
17 Other passages which mention these creatures although YHWH is not represented as killing them, are (a) Rahab: Job 9,13; 26,12; Isa 30,7; Ps
87,4; (b) Leviathan: Job 41,1; Ps 106,6; (c) the tannîn (as sea
monsters): Gen 1,21; Deut 32,33; Job 7,12; Pss 91,13, 148,7; Lam 4,3.
18 See above and n. 17 for lists of texts.
19 COLLINS, Apocalyptic Vision, 102-104. Collins plays
down this suggestion in later works (IDEM, "Stirring up the Great
Sea", 132; IDEM, Daniel, 292).
20 MOSCA, "Ugarit and Daniel 7", 488-489.
21 MOSCA, "Ugarit and Daniel 7", 508-515.
22 Rahab, who appears in v. 11 [10], is the most obvious
example.
23 Prior to Mosca, only vv. 10-11 [9-10] which relate to YHWH's triumph over the sea and the defeat of Rahab were adduced as being similar to
aspects of Daniel's vision. The present writer is preparing a book which
considers the Bible as a key to Daniel and in it Ps 89 will feature as the
backgound to some, but not all, of the imagery of the vision in Dan 7.
24 MOSCA, "Ugarit and Daniel", 510.
25 H.S. Kvanvig posited that an Akkadian vision of the Netherworld was the prototype for Daniel (cf. n. 5). COLLINS, Daniel,
284-286, gives a critique, with which the present writer agrees, of Kvanvig's
position, suggesting that although there are superficial similarities, the
pattern of relationships is different in the two visions.
26 In a recent article A.P. HAYMAN, "The Man from the
Sea in 4 Ezra 13", JJS 49 (1998) 1-16, asserts his belief, in
passing, that Daniel 7 derives from the Babylonian account of creation as does
E. LUCAS, "Resolving the Enigma", VT 50 (2000) 66-80; see esp.
69-70.
27 It is noteworthy that the four winds are from heaven i.e. under the control of God. It is He who causes the great sea to break forth.
MOSCA, "Ugarit and Daniel 7", 500, n. 19, makes this point also. YHWH
is not in conflict with the sea as Collins asserts (COLLINS,
Apocalyptic Vision, 105; IDEM, Daniel, 288).
28 The root xyg or xwg appears elsewhere in the Bible only six times. It is used of 'bringing forth' in birth (Mic 4,10; Ps 22,10[9]) and Job 38,8 links the notion to the sea
breaking forth. Two passages posit that adult humans 'break forth' and the
implication is that this is in a violent manner. These are Ezek 32,2 and Judg
20,33. The former describes Pharaoh in terms of a chaos monster whereas the
latter concerns a battle in which '...the liers in wait of Israel broke forth
out of their place...' There are contextual links then between the chaos
tradition and the use of xyg in the Bible.
Theodotion, the Vulgate and Rashi have 'fought with' or 'attacked' but
this is probably too strong a translation. 'Stirred up' is the commonest
modern translation but as xyg in the aphel has a
causative sense the present writer wanted to make this clear, hence the
translation above. Such a translation underlines the function of (the four winds
of) heaven in what is to follow. It indicates God's reversal of his shutting
up the sea, when it was about to break forth in Job 38,8. There may also be an
allusion to Judg 20,33 ('the liers in wait of Israel break forth...') for it
is the only Biblical passage which uses the hiphil participle (i.e. the hebrew
equivalent of the aramaic aphel participle) and, of course, the beasts which
arise from the sea are nations which dominate Israel.
29 The majority of scholars see here a reference to the sea of chaos rather than the Mediterranean which the expression 'the great sea'
indicates elsewhere in the Bible. J. GOLDINGAY, Daniel (WBC 30; Dallas
1988) 160, and CASEY, Son of Man, 18, are the only recent scholars to
argue for the Mediterranean. A.E. GARDNER, "The Great Sea of Dan. vii
2", VT 49 (1999) 402-405, points out that in Pss 74,13-14;
104,25-26; Isa 51,9-10 there is a blurring of the distinction between an actual
and a mythological sea. Further Ps 104,25-26 is likely to have been used by the
author of Daniel in the construction of his narrative as four words from Dan
7,2-3 appear there, including lwdg My.
30 All quotations from the Enuma Elish are takes from B. FOSTER, "Epic of Creation (1.111)", The Context of Scripture (ed.
W.W. HALLO) (Leiden 1997) 390-402.
31 Each time, two lines after the list of monsters is given, the number is specified as eleven.
32 Some translators render the name as Kingu, e.g., A. HEIDEL, The Babylonian Genesis. The Story of the Creation (Chicago
21951); S. LANGDON, The Babylonian Epic of Creation (Oxford
1923), but B. FOSTER, "Epic of Creation", and S. DALLEY, Myths from
Mesopotamia (Oxford 1989) prefer Qingu. FOSTER, Before the Muses. An
Anthology of Akkadian Literature (Bethesda 1993) I, 359, n. 3, refers to Th.
JACOBSEN, The Harab Myth (SANE II.3; Malibu 1984) 16, who suggests that
the name comes from the Sumerian word for 'work' hence the creation of
mankind from Qingu's blood. (Mankind was created, according to Ee VI 8 to
spare the gods from work.)
33 Cf. LANGDON, The Babylonian Epic of Creation, 21, n. 1, also 23. In his note Langdon refers to H. ZIMMERN, Zum Babilonischen
Neujahrfest (BSGW 58; Berlin 1906) 131, and n. 2, who, he says, compares the
burning of Kingu with the fourth beast in Daniel.
34 I would like to thank Dr. Noel Weeks of Sydney University for his transcription of key cuneiform words and his advice concerning a lack of
a common etymology between the Akkkadian and the corresponding Aramaic. This
enabled me to render a judgement concerning the nature of Daniel's
relationship to the Enuma Elish.
35 The AV provides this translation which also appears in many traditional Jewish commentaries. For details cf. MONTGOMERY, A Critical
and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Daniel (ICC; Edinburgh 1927)
299-300.
36 Cf. H. FRANKFORT, Before Philosophy (Baltimore 1949) 153.
37 Cf. COLLINS, Daniel, 290.
38 For example Pss 55,19; 74,1; 93,2.
39 Cf. MONTGOMERY, Daniel, 90; W.L. HUMPHREYS,
"Life Style for Diaspora: A Study of the Tales of Esther and Daniel", JBL
92 (1973) 211-223; P.R. DAVIES, Daniel (OTGu; Sheffield 1985) 54-55;
COLLINS, Apocalyptic Vision, 55; IDEM, Daniel, 48. By
contrast, J.G. GAMMIE, "The Classification, Stages of Growth and Changing
Intentions of the Book of Daniel", JBL 95 (1976) 191-204, argues for
the provenance of the court tales being Ptolemaic Egypt as do J.C.H. LEBRAM, Das
Buch Daniel (ZBK.AT 23; Zürich 1984) 20; O.H. STECK,
"Weltgeschehen und Gottesvolk im Buche Daniel", Kirche (FS. G.
Bornkamm; [eds. D. LÜHRMAN – G. STRECKER] Tübingen 1980) 53-78; E. HAAG, Die
Errettung Daniels aus der Löwengrube. Untersuchungen zum Ursprung der
biblischen Danieltradition (SBS 110; Stuttgart 1983) 94.
40 Cf. LANGDON, The Babylonian Epic of Creation, 20.
41 Cf. n. 23, 28. In my book in preparation I show that many details of Daniel's vision can be accounted for through Biblical allusion.
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